When the first shot of the American Revolution rang out in Lexington, Massachusetts on April 19th, 1775, militiamen throughout the New England colonies were summoned to immediately band together to march for the relief of Boston and for the patriot cause.
“The bearer, Israel Bessel, is charged to alarm the country quite to Connecticut, and all persons are desired to furnish him with fresh horses as they may be needed.” – Massachusetts Committee of Safety at Watertown
This was known as the Lexington Alarm. And my 5th great grandfather, Asher Hinman, was one of the 3,700 men from Connecticut dedicated to this struggle. In his early 30s, he set off from the town of New Hartford as a sergeant in Captain Seth Smith’s company to aid in the rebellion, and fend off any further atrocities by the British troops. In just 3 days’ time, when his company had only reached Hartford about 22 miles away, his service came to an end, as the immediate crisis had been extinguished, and their presence was no longer required.
Shortly thereafter, on April 26th, the Connecticut General Assembly convened at Hartford for a special session, resulting in the creation of six official regiments composed of ten companies each that would, just a few months later, go on to become part of the Continental Army. Many of the same men who participated in the march to Boston enlisted in the army or militia for different terms during the poignant war against mother Britain.
What few, I think, fail to realize is that the War of the Revolution did not end with the signing of the Declaration of Independence in July of 1776, but rather, had only just begun. The first major battle to follow that historic day would take place a month and a half later. General George Washington was confident the British, having been defeated at the Siege of Boston, were planning to conquer and take control of the port of New York for their Royal Navy, so he began calling upon all available men of serving age to ascend upon the city and help defend it as a stronghold.
On August 12th, 1776, the 18th Regiment of Militia for the state of Connecticut, commanded by Colonel Jonathan Pettibone, began their Expedition to New York. Asher Hinman joined the company captained by Zacheus Case, who had been only a private in his same company during the Lexington Alarm. Perhaps this change in hierarchy between the two men can be looked at as a potential catalyst for what was later to happen when the troop encamped in New York.
The march to New York took 7 days’ time, and the company arrived on August 19th, 1776. Their men totaled only 17, but did include both a drummer and a fifer to keep their spirits up, and several of the boys were brothers and close neighbors, so even though away from home, they must have felt a sense of kinship. Plus, they were a part of the larger regiment, encompassing approximately 150 men overall. In addition to Captain Zacheus Case, other names of men who had marched alongside Asher in the Lexington Alarm and joined in the 18th Regmt. included Solomon Humphry, Ephraim Mills, and even Asher’s old captain, Seth Smith, who was now deemed Major.
As Washington predicted, the British soon arrived in New York harbor and well equipped. Their 130-plus ships carried upwards of 32,000 soldiers. On August 22nd, about half of their troops made their move from Staten Island to Long Island under the command of Generals William Howe, Henry Clinton, and Charles Cornwallis.
Washington was informed of their advance, but reportedly not fully informed as to their numbers. He stationed only about 6,000 men in and around Brooklyn Heights with smaller militia troops guarding the roads from Long Island into the heights and kept the remaining force in York City (now Manhattan). Over the next few days, he placed Israel Putnam in charge of the Long Island troops.
Meanwhile, the British were bulking up further with Hessian soldiers, bringing their total to 20,000 on Long Island alone. They learned of a lesser known route into the heights from local loyalists called the Jamaica Pass which they could travel under the veil of near secrecy by the cloak of darkness. General Howe determined this to be his chance to circumvent the American troops and come up on their flank. He marched his men to a local tavern and inn where he enticed the owner and his son to lead the way along the path. The son, William Howard Jr., who was 16 years old at the time, gave a first person account in 1868 of what took place that night.
“It was about two o’clock in the morning on the 27th of August that I was awakened by seeing a soldier at the side of my bed. I got up and dressed and went down to the bar room where I saw my father standing in one corner, with three British soldiers before him with muskets and bayonets fixed. The army was then lying in a field in front of the house. General Howe and another officer were standing in the bar room. General Howe wore a cloak over his regimentals. After asking for a glass of liquor from the bar, which was given him, he entered into familiar conversation with my father, and among other things said, ‘I must have some one of you to show me over the Rockaway Path around the Pass.’
My Father replied, ‘We belong to the other side, General, and can’t serve you.’ General Howe replied, ‘That is all right, stick to your country, or stick to your principles, but Howard, you are my prisoner and must guide my men over the hill.’ My father made some further objection, but was silenced by the General, who said, ‘You have no alternative. If you refuse, I shall have you shot through the head.’
A strong guard had been stationed by the British around our house, and every person compelled to remain in it. All the houses in the neighborhood were similarly guarded to prevent the escape of anyone to give information of their approach. The guns were drawn up the hill by horses at a full gallop. From the top of the hill on the Bushwick Lane they descended through a valley on the farm of James Pilling to the land now belonging to John Duryea, near the place where Halsey St. ends. Everything in the march was conducted in the most silent manner possible, as showed the enemy expected momentarily to be attacked by the Americans. All this pains was entirely unnecessary, for the pass had been left unguarded. On their reaching the turn in the Brooklyn and Jamaica Road, near the corner of Reid Ave and Macdonough St, my father and myself were released and sent back to the Tavern.”
British General Howe’s plan was successful. Only a handful of American officers on horseback crossed paths with them that night and were taken prisoner without a single shot fired. The British surrounded the American patriots, prompting the Battle of Brooklyn on August 27th (also referred to as the Battle of Long Island) and forcing Washington’s troops to retreat into the city on August 29th.
A couple days later on August 31st, George Washington wrote to John Hancock about the affair.
“Since Monday scarce any of us have been out of the Lines till our passage across the East River was effected Yesterday morning & for Forty Eight Hours preceding that I had hardly been of my Horse and never closed my Eyes so that I was quite unfit to write or dictate till this Morning.
Our Retreat was made without any Loss of Men or Ammunition and in better order than I expected from Troops in the situation ours were—We brought off all our Cannon & Stores, except a few heavy peices, which in the condition the earth was by a long continued rain, we found upon Trial impracticable—The Wheels of the Carriages sinking up to the Hobs, rendered it impossible for our whole force to drag them—We left but little provisions on the Island except some Cattle which had been driven within our Lines and which after many attempts to force across the Water we found Impossible to effect, circumstanced as we were…and Last night a party of our Men were employed in bringing Our Stores, Cannon, Tents &ca from Governors Island, which they nearly completed—Some of the Heavy Cannon remain there still, but I expect will be got away to day.
I am much hurried & Engaged in Arranging and making new Dispositions of our Forces, The Movements of the Enemy requiring them to be immediately had, and therefore have only time to add that I am with my best regards to Congress Their & Your Most Obedt He Servt
Go: Washington”
An Ensign-turned-Serjeant in Asher’s 18th Regiment soon after also wrote a letter back home to his wife dated September 1th [sic], 1776, in which he touches on the surprise devastation they endured in Long Island as well as their safe landing in York City.
“Dearly Beloved wife after my kind
Regards to you I would inform you that
Through the Devine goodness of god I am
well at present and I hope thiese Few Lines
Will Find you and our Family well as they
Lieve me there is So much News that I Do
not know What to write But their hes Ben
a Brush on Long island and the regulars have killed and
taken amongst them a number of our men Whom was Erastus Humphry
Carmi Higley Isaac Alderman Richard
Humphry all of thiese are killed or taken
our men have Retreeted From Long island
into the sity of New york and our men
have also Left goveners island and we expect
to retreat out of the sity Before Long the
Regulars have Not Canonaded the sity
yet But we expect it Very soon
my Dear I have Sent too Letters to you
Before this But I have Not Recived any
from you But I hope you will not forgit
to write to me When you have an oppertunity
for I want to hear From you as often as I can
I am Very much troubled a Bout the Buisness
at home But I cant help it I Should Be
glad if you would Send me a Shirt if you
can have an oppertunity I Should Be glad to
have you send that shirt that you have
got made if you cant git no other But I
would not have you send any With out
you can send it By some body that you
can trust our Company have Chosen me a Serjent
in the Company and I Do the duty of an
orderly Serjent Brother Andrew Mills
is sick But I hope a Little Better Serjent
James Andrews is very sick also
I Do Not know how Long we Shall have to Stay
hear But I keep hopeing that it will Not
Be a grate while Longer But I Can not Tell
how Long it will Be But I Shall not write
Nomore at present So I Conclude your Love
and affectonate Husband till Death
Solomon Humphry Junr
Pleas to Remember my Duty to Father
Mother and my Love to all enquiring
if any Such I have
Since I Begun to write I have heard
that Brother Andrew Mill
grows worse and I am a Fraid
he wont git well”
Both Erastus Humphry and Carmi Higley, mentioned in Solomon’s letter, were privates in Captain Ebenezer Fitch Bissell’s company under the command of Colonel Jedidiah Huntington’s 17th Regiment in the Continental Army. They were marked as missing from the Battle of Long Island August 27th in or near Greenwood Cemetery after the British surrounded them. Erastus later appeared on a roll of two hundred men who had been taken prisoner in New York and were being exchanged by the British on January 1, 1777 in Milford. Out of those men, twenty died on the passage before being set free and twenty died within a week after landing. It’s possible Erastus was one of those who perished, or maybe it was Richard Humphry, as a list of casualties from the missing men on Long Island included a private named Humphry (no first name provided) as well as Private Alderman, who was also mentioned in Solomon’s letter.
Following the retreat into the city, Asher’s unit was stationed in Turtle Bay, a small inlet on the east side of what is now Midtown Manhattan, where the United Nations Headquarters now stands.
They were manning the Turtle Bay redoubt, a patriot earthwork located just south of the former British stores depot that sat on what is now East 45th Street. Washington again chronicled the men’s plight in a letter to John Hancock on Wednesday, September 4th, 1776.
“Sir
Since I had the Honor of addressing you on the 2d Our affairs have not undergone a change for the better, nor assumed a more agreable aspect than what they then wore. The Militia under various pretences of sickness &c. are daily diminishing & in a little time I am persuaded, their number will be very inconsiderable.
On Monday night a Forty Gun Ship passed up the Sound between Governor’s & Long Island & Anchored in Turtle bay. In her passage she received a discharge of Cannon from our Batteries but without any damage & having a favourable wind & Tide soon got out of their reach. Yesterday morning I dispatched Majr Crane of the Artillery with Two Twelve pounders & a Howitz to annoy her, who hulling her several times forced her from that Station & to take shelter behind an Island where she still continues. There are several other Ships of War in the sound with a good many Transports or Store Ships, which came round Long Island, so that that communication is entirely cut off. The Admiral with the main body of the Fleet is close in with Governor’s Island.”
The ship that fired upon Asher Hinman and his fellow comrades at Turtle Bay was the British frigate, Rose. It was able to successfully navigate up the East River to Blackwell’s Island (now Roosevelt Island), which was seized by British troops that afternoon. The Rose sustained only minor damage. In a journal entry on September 3rd by Ambrose Serle, “A great Firing was heard last night from the Town upon the Rose & the Boats…One Shot passed through the Rose, and another beat off one of her anchors, without doing any other Damage. The Rebels fired two Pieces of Ordnance upon her to-day from a Battery opposite Bushwyck; and wounded two or three Men…”
On September 10th, British troops were still closing in, but not launching any attacks. Instead, Howe approached with a treaty of peace, but was at least twice denied by Washington due to not granting Washington the title of General in his correspondence, and therefore not affirming the Continental Army as an official or recognized military operation, let alone the Continental Congress being the colonies’ legitimate government.
Washington and his staff made the decision to abandon the city. They left behind a few thousand men to defend the lower half, while the main army moved up north to Harlem (an area that is now considered Washington Heights). What came next has been popularized in the lyrics of the song Right Hand Man written by Christopher Jackson, Leslie Odom Jr., and Lin-Manuel Miranda for the modern musical Hamilton and sung mostly by the character portraying General George Washington.
We are outgunned (What?)
Outmanned (What?)
Outnumbered
Outplanned (Buck, buck, buck, buck, buck!)
We gotta make an all out stand
Ayo, I'm gonna need a right-hand man (Buck, buck, buck, buck, buck!)
Incoming!
They're battering down the Battery check the damages
Rah!
We gotta stop 'em and rob 'em of their advantages
Rah!
Let's take a stand with the stamina God has granted us
Hamilton won't abandon ship
Yo, let's steal their cannons
Shh-boom! (Boom!)
Goes the cannon, watch the blood and the s*** spray and
Boom!
Goes the cannon, we're abandonin' Kips Bay and
Boom!
There's another ship and
Boom!
We just lost the southern tip and
Boom!
We gotta run to Harlem quick, we can't afford another slip
Guns and horses giddyup
I decide to divvy up
My forces, they're skittish as the British cut the city up
This close to giving up, facing mad scrutiny
I scream in the face of this mass mutiny
Are these the men with which I am to defend America?
We ride at midnight, Manhattan in the distance
I cannot be everywhere at once, people
I'm in dire need of assistance
It all happened so fast on the morning of Sunday, September 15th. Washington’s recollections are thus, “…Three Ships of War came up the North River as high [as] Bloomingdale…and about Eleven OClock those in the East River began a most severe and Heavy Cannonade to scour the Grounds and cover the landing of their Troops between Turtle-Bay and the City, where Breast Works had been thrown up to oppose them. As soon as I heard the Firing, I road with all possible dispatch towards the place of landing when to my great surprize and Mortification I found the Troops that had been posted in the Lines retreating…”
The British had used this cannon fire to disguise their landing at Kip’s Bay, just south of Turtle Bay. The Americans were said to have been half buried under dirt and sand and were unable to return fire due to the smoke and dust.
In the pension application file for the widow of one Fithen/Fithian Case, one of the men in Asher Hinman’s company, Amnilles Case relays the war-time tale her late husband had told her of this day, “…of his being in an intrenchment near New York or turtle or turtle bay, and the British were firing at them, and the balls came so fast + fell so near them in the intrenchment they were ordered to leave the intrenchment + to make their escape as quick as possible…”
Serjeant Solomon Humphry, in Asher’s regiment, also wrote home to his wife once more following this frightening encounter. His full letter was included in his pension application file.
“Harlem September 17th 1776
Dearly Beloved Wife after my kind Regards to you
I would inform you that through the devine goodness of god
I am well at present But Very Much fatigued by a Battle
which we have had at New york we ware Drew up before
a forty Eight gun Ship with in a Stones Cast of it
and they fired upon us with Canon Balls and grape shot
and we retreated and got out of the way throug the
Devine goodness of god protecting us but we ware a bliged to
Live our packe and all we Had Besides what we had on our
Backe we have Retreated about Eight Miles from New
york towards kings Bridge – I understand By your Letter
that you sent By Elisha Case that you heard that
I was sick but I Bless god that he has favoured me
with My health ever since I cam from home –
I would Not have you trouble your to send me any Clothe
at present for we have to Be Desmissed in a few Days
I must Not write no more at present So I conclude
and Remain your Loving and affectionate Husband
till Death Solomon Humphry Junr
Remember my Duty to Father and Mother and my Love
to all enquireining Friends”
Solomon offered further context in his pension file under oath repeating, “…that while Genl. Washington was retreating from New York with the main body, he lay with a part of the army behind a Breastwork on the East River at what was called Turtle Bay, where they were fired upon by a 48 gun ship lying abreast of them + that about the middle of September (on a Sunday) they retreated while exposed to the fire of the British…”
While Solomon described the ship as a 48-gunner, there were only 5 known warships and frigates in the vicinity that day: the Phoenix, the Roebuck, the Rose, the Carysfort, and the Orpheus, which were anchored two to three hundred yards off-shore, and only 2 of those ships carried anywhere near that number guns. It’s far likelier Solomon was remembering the 44-cannon Phoenix or 44-cannon Roebuck. “It is hardly possible to conceive,” British midshipman Bartholomew James of the Orpheus wrote, “what a tremendous fire was kept up by those five ships for only fifty-nine minutes, in which time we fired away, in the Orpheus alone, five thousand three hundred and seventy-six pounds of powder. The first broadside made a considerable breach in their works, and the enemy fled on all sides, confused and calling for quarter, while the army landed, but, as usual, did not pursue the victory, though the rebels in general had left their arms in the intrenchment.”
However, there was one main difference between Solomon Humphry and Fithen Case versus Asher Hinman’s experience. Solomon’s next move, and likely Fithen’s, entailed joining Washington and the main body of the army up north at Harlem plains until they were soon discharged. But Asher’s time with the company in New York came to an end. He deserted, along with several other men on his same roll: Darius Hill, Elijah Hill, Abram Moses, Silas Case, Edward Case, Samuel Thomas, and Fifer George Humphry.
Out of the entire 18th Regiment of Connecticut Militia, 18 men were reported as having deserted by the end of the New York Campaign, 7 of those being from Zacheus Case’s company in which Asher was serving. However, that count appears to be 1 short, as Asher’s roll totaled 8 deserters, himself included. In either scenario, Zacheus’s company saw the most amount of men abandoning their posts out of their entire regiment. This begs the question of whether Zacheus’ leadership was lacking in comparison to that of the other captains in the 18th. On the 21st of September, when a weekly return was taken of the regiment, Zacheus and his Ensign were listed as sick, so perhaps he wasn’t even present or fully functioning a week prior during the attack.
It's also possible Zacheus’ men, including Asher, may have had a lack of faith in him from the start, having known him to be a lowly private just a year prior in the Lexington Alarm. Only speculation remains as to what led to this many soldiers abandoning their patriotic duty in such a pivotal moment and not returning to base camp afterwards. All of their services leading up to this moment went unpaid due to their charge of desertion. Though, they can at least say they came away with their lives, which is more than can be said for some, like the injured who remained in the entrenchments and were shortly thereafter bayoneted by the Hessian and British soldiers. It was even reported by a British officer that a Hessian soldier decapitated a rebel and stuck his head on a pole in the embankment.
Colonel William Douglas, whose brigade of inexperienced Connecticut militia occupied entrenchments just south of Kip’s Bay wrote his wife three days later, “…my Left wing gave way which was form,d of the militia. I Lay myself on the Right wing, wateing for the boats until Capt. Printice Came to me and told if I ment to Save my Self to Leave the Lines. I then told my men to make the best of their way as I then found I had but about ten Left with me…we then had a Mile to Retreat Through as hot a fire as Could well be made but they mostly over shot us. the Brigade was then in Such a Scatter,d poster that I Could not Collect them and I found the whole Army on a Retreat.”
In nearby Murray Hill, Washington was heard exclaiming, “Take the walls!” and “Take the cornfield!” which Brigadier General Samuel Holden Parsons later testified, “the men ran to the walls, and some into the corn-field, in a most confused and disordered manner.” It would seem at that moment, the militia confused Washington’s orders to fight, as those to flee instead. There are further reports that Washington and his leaders even caned, whipped, and nearly struck the running men with swords to beckon them to return, but it did no good. He failed to thwart the landing of the British in Kip’s Bay. Washington then used Bloomingdale Road, a short distance west, as the place to reform the American brigades and begin their evacuation to Harlem Heights, while Howe slowly extended his forces all the way across the island to the Hudson and claimed full occupation of the city.
In the utter disarray, it would seem quite possible that many of the deserters simply believed themselves to be following orders to abandon the entrenchments, and then after having retreated, may have never been in a position to relocate their company again. Though, no records uncovered thus far appear to give an account of the deserters’ next immediate actions, including that of Asher Hinman’s.
To note, there is also a slim possibility that Asher deserted about a week prior to this disaster. On his company’s war roll, there is a mark on his line item that may be interpreted as the number 8, as in September 8th, an actual date of desertion. This mark does not appear for the other deserters in his company on the roll, but also does not match the handwriting of the numeral 8 anywhere else on the page. Due to the fact that the company was situated in relatively good terms on September 8th, and Asher would have little to no reason to run away at that point in time, it’s likely that this mark didn’t highlight Asher’s exact desertion date, but instead may have been a later scribble on the page or an unusually written S or d. The roll itself was not penned until the end of September, lending more doubt the author would have known which date Asher had abandoned the company, given there was no substantial activity occurring in camp on September 8th. In addition, Asher continued to serve in the 18th Regiment even following this debacle.
...
Regardless, Washington was wholly disgusted with his troops’ conduct, both that of the Continental Army and the militia calling their actions “shameful” and “scandalous.” The Connecticut militia was branded with a poor reputation of being cowards and mostly held to blame for the entire affair. General William Heath had another opinion, “The wounds received on Long Island were yet bleeding; and the officers, if not the men, knew that the city was not to be defended.”
The following day, on September 16th, a skirmish broke out below Harlem Heights. This time, the American army held their ground and gained new respect amongst the British. After a short while, the battle ceased, and the two sides remained relatively quiet for the next two months, giving Washington the opportunity to seek clothes, tents, and other sundry items from Congress to reinvigorate his weary troops as they faced increasingly poor weather. He also sought out their approval in dismissing what remained of the Connecticut militia, a mere 700 men, who were without possession of a tent or single camp utensil, which distressed him beyond measure. Furthermore, he enticed Congress to approve a pay increase for all of his men, arguing that the British received twice as much for their service. The new pay scale took effect the following month with colonels receiving an increase of 10 pounds, bringing their new pay upwards of 25 pounds, captains seeing an increase of 16 shillings, ensigns also, and even surgeons receiving an increase of 5 shillings. Though Asher reaped no fortune following his desertion from New York, it’s likely as a militiaman he would have seen very little or no payout regardless had he stayed in camp, since he was not enlisted in the Continental Army. Most of the militia was comprised originally of volunteers fighting strictly on behalf of the patriot cause.
Fast forward several months to February 1777. Massachusetts soldiers under the charge of Colonel Patterson were passing through Hartford, Connecticut. They were likely on their return trip home after fighting in the winning Battles of Princeton and Trenton in New Jersey. On February 20th, Asher Hinman was listed on a ledger “for the amount of expenditures for hospital expenses of sick soldiers belonging to to [sic] the State of Massachusets [sic] passing through said States.” Asher was credited 4.5.4 (4 pounds, 5 shillings, 4 pence) nominal money, billed first to Massachusetts, but then changed later to the United States. This charitable action alone, even following his desertion in the New York Campaign, grants his descendants the opportunity to join the Daughters of the American Revolution by way of his ancestral line.
In May of that year, his twin brother Asahel Hinman was chosen as Lieutenant of the 11th Company of the Alarm List in Hartford, Connecticut. It’s clear his family was still in full support of the American fight for independence, and it’s likely Asher was still active with the 18th Regiment of Militia at this point in time, possibly involved with Captain Amasa Mills’ company who gathered to defend Danbury in Tryon’s British raid of April, 1777 or two years later when Tryon struck again causing considerable damage to the salt works at Greenwich. Asher’s full military involvement over the next few years is unclear due to missing records from that time.
But on June 12th, 1780, an election was held in Canton in the Simsbury district of Connecticut, in which the majority vote was taken of householders, soldiers, and officers alike of Hartford in the Lower House of the General Assembly, who made their choice of Serjeant Asher Hinman to be the Ensign in Amasa Mills’ company. Amasa was promoted from Captain to Major, and Elisha Case was promoted from Ensign to Captain. For Asher, this was a promotion from a non-commissioned officer rank to that of junior officer. The Upper House concurred with the decision.
The above election took place in the same location where, just months later in September, George Washington and his aides Alexander Hamilton and Marquis de Lafayette met French General Comte de Rochambeau for the very first time. Connecticut’s Old State House was later built on the site and opened its doors in 1796. The grounds’ history dates back even further to being the reported location of the First Church of Hartford where Reverend Thomas Hooker, founder of the Connecticut Colony, delivered a sermon which inspired the “Fundamental Orders of Connecticut,” the world’s first written democratic constitution establishing a representative government.
Asher’s patriotic service record would be shortly tarnished once again, though. In October of 1780, a colonel in his regiment, Noah Phelps, who was also known as being a hero spy in the Ticonderoga affair, filed a complaint against Ensign Asher Hinman of Simsbury district that Hinman failed to arrest a deserter when ordered and opportunity given. Asher was charged with neglect of duty and disobedience of orders.
A committee convened at West Simsbury in Connecticut on the 4th of January, 1781 and notified all parties involved in the case to attend in order to investigate the conduct of Ensign Asher Hinman. Colonel Phelps appeared, along with a witness in support of his complaint against Asher. The evidence of the trial was said to be that a man in their regiment, Jeremy Case, had enlisted himself as a soldier in the Continental Army in the previous summer of 1780. His term of service was supposed to be until the last day of December 1780, in which he took state’s bounty for, as well as payment in other donations from the company. Soon after he signed up though, Case was mustered by Colonel Phelps and ordered to march and join the army, but he absconded.
Colonel Phelps then issued orders to Captain Elisha Case to apprehend the deserter, Jeremy Case. He directed Elisha to have one of his serjeants, Daniel Case, keep a strict watch for the deserter, supposing the serjeant to be of the best advantage in capturing him. The captain then saw Ensign Asher Hinman and wished for him to notify said serjeant, Daniel Case, to take the deserter as soon as he made an appearance.
That fall, in October, Captain Elisha Case’s company, including Asher, was having dinner at the house of Captain Ezekiel Humphry in Farmington, Connecticut when the deserter, Jeremy Case, was spotted. Colonel Phelps’ witness testified of being at the supper and Case entering the room and passing a compliment to Asher by shaking his hand. He stated that Asher refused to take after him when he was gone. He further said that Captain Humphry asked why Asher didn’t take after the man and that Hinman replied that Captain Case had not taken him when he might have, and he thought it was best not to take him if the captain had already refused to do the job. Asher was further said to have mentioned that the deserter was gone, and he was glad of it. The court found that it could be proven that the following day, Asher thought it was best for Case to keep out of his way as much as he could, or he might take him.
Further testimony revealed the following account which differs slightly, inferring Case was nearly already on the run from the house before Asher would have had a chance to arrest him:
“at supper and sd. Serjt. Case was from the Table in the Room sd. Deserter spoke to the People and Imedietate Took a hint from a woman there which sugested to him that he was in Danger of being apprehended by Sd. Hinman when he Imediately Stepd. to the Door with another man and fled in a precipitate manner the Time he Sd Deserter was in the house was thought to be about ¾ of a minute—We also find Sd. Hinman was much supprised at Sd. Deserters suden Departure and seemed Desirous to apprehend him often saying in the course of the summer that he would sacrifise half his Interest Rather than Sd. Deserter should go unpunished at other Times spoke something coolly about Takeing him saying he was a poor man but Sd. Hinman excuse himself for saying so in order to git another oppertunity to Take him, as he said”.
The committee was made up of men who were likely familiar with all parties involved, especially Asher’s old Captain-turned-Major, Seth Smith. They found in his defense in February 1781 and recommended his acquittal, claiming his actions were not of willful neglect of duty, issuing the following statement:
“We further find that said Ensign Hinman is an active Resolute and Generally Does his duty to good acceptance and it appeared evident to us your Honours Comtte. that the Complaint was md to Col Phelps by some non Commissioned officers which had Taken Some Disgust in Sd. Company—” signed 10 Mar 1781 New Hartford by Seth Smith, Benjn. Mills, Aaron Austin (Comm.) on Info from Phelps Feby 1781
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In March, Asher was officially acquitted and asked to be relieved of his court costs which had risen to a large sum.
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Colonel Phelps was later briefed on the committee’s decision, and it is unknown how he received the news, but considering these men were both locals, it would be naïve to think there wasn’t some residual awkwardness between the two men within the boundaries of their community.
Hopefully their disagreements were put to bed in the coming years. In 1783, the United States officially won their independence from Britain, and a peace treaty was signed in Paris.
A few years later in 1785, Ensign Asher Hinman can be found recorded as a church member in Canton, Connecticut. He and his wife, Mary, attended for his remaining years. In 1786 and 1787, he appears in the local Hartford Courant newspaper within a list of men who had refused to pay their taxes in the 1770s and early 1780s. These men were likely to all have been withholding payment to the crown while they fought for representation in Parliament. The threat upon them was to have their possessions sold at public auction if they did not pay. It’s undetermined what became of Asher’s property or whether he eventually paid his dues.
On February 5th, 1796, the church book recorded him signing an agreement with Thomas Bidwell. At this point in time, it’s unknown what this agreement entailed, though possibly a union of their two families in some way. Bidwell had been a Lieutenant in the Revolutionary War overseeing his own company of men within the 18th Regiment Militia. He later became an appraiser of Asher’s estate.
The last record of Ensign Asher Hinman in the church books of Canton records his death on the 28th of March, 1809. His tombstone conflicts with this date and marks it as the 22nd of March at the age of 68. He was buried in Cherry Brook Cemetery in Canton, originally known as South Burying Ground, Simsbury.
A year after his death, it was renamed to Dyer Cemetery when Daniel Dyer purchased the land it’s situated on. Asher’s marker pays honor to his service as a Serjeant in the Lexington Alarm of the Revolutionary War, though mysteriously, perhaps by mistake, does not include his elevated and earned title of Ensign.
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